Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-5nwft Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-05-10T15:42:32.396Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Local Cultures in the Roman Empire: Libyan, Punic and Latin in Roman Africa

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Fergus Millar
Fergus Millar
Affiliation:
The Queen's College, Oxford
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

No subject in the history of the Roman Empire has more significance or more pitfalls than that of the local cultures of the provinces. The evidence is in each case, with the exception of Judaea and Egypt, relatively slight, disparate and ambiguous. But, on the one hand, the subject has very real attractions, which may lead to the building of vast but fragile historical theories, attempting to bring the distinctive culture of an area into a schematic relationship with events such as political movements or the spread of Christianity. On the other, we can never escape the possibility that the denial of the survival of a significant local culture may be falsified by new evidence; even worse, a local culture may have existed in a form which left no written records or datable artefacts.

Yet the problem must be faced, not only for the intrinsic interest which such cultures present, but for the light the enquiry sheds on Graeco-Roman civilization itself. We might conclude for one area that Graeco-Roman culture remained the merest façade, for another that it completely obliterated a native culture. More commonly, we will find a mixture or co-existence of cultures. In such a situation, again, the local element might have been culturally and socially insignificant, or, as it was in Egypt and in Judaea, embodied in a coherent traditional civilization with its own language, literature, customs, religion and (in Egypt) art-forms.

Type
Research Article
Information
The Journal of Roman Studies , Volume 58 , Issue 1-2 , November 1968 , pp. 126 - 134
Copyright
Copyright © Fergus Millar 1968. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For the most recent collection, of the evidence see Charanis, P., ‘Ethnic Changes in the Byzantine Empire in the Seventh Century’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers XIII (1959), 23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 See Levick, B. M., Roman Colonies in Southern Asia Minor (1967), 153 f.Google Scholar

3 Acts 14, 11.

4 MAMA VII, see esp. i f., xxvii f. See Haas, O., Die phrygischen Sprachdenkmäler (1966)Google Scholar.

5 Charanis, op. cit. (n. 1), p. 23.

6 See Stoian, I., ‘La città pontica di Tomis, Saggio storico’, Dacia v (1961), 233Google Scholar; Danoff, M. in RE Supp. IX (1962), 1397 f.Google Scholar; I. Stoian, Tomitana: contributii epigrafice la istoria cetǎtii Tomis (1962).

7 See e.g. Wilkinson, L. P., Ovid Recalled (1955), ch. x.Google Scholar

8 H. Mihǎescu, Limba latinā in provinciile dunǎrene ale Imperiului roman (1960), French résumé pp. 290 f. Compare S. Stati, Limba latinǎ ǐn inscriptiile din Dacia si Scythia minor (1961).

9 K. Jackson, Language and History in Early Britain (1953), 76 f., esp. 97 f. Compare now S. S. Frere, Britannia: a History of Roman Britain (1967), 311 f., and J. Liversedge, Britain in the Roman Empire (1968), 315 f.

10 V. Väänänen, Le Latin vulgaire des inscriptions pompéiennes 3 (1966).

11 See e.g. Mócsy, A., Die Bevölkerung von Pannonien bis zu den Marcommanenkriegen (1959)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der römischen Provinz Moesia Superior’, Acta. Arch. Hung. XI (1959), 283; G. Alföldy, Bevölkerung und Gesellschaft der römischen Provinz Dalmatien (1965).

12 Philostratus, , VS II, 13 (594)Google Scholar.

12a Idem, vita AT 1, 7.

13 Migne, , PG XLVI, 937Google Scholar.

14 HA Sept. Sev. 19, 9.

15 Apul, Flor. 9.

16 See Frend, W. H. C., ‘The Revival of Berber Art’, Antiquity XVI (1942), 342Google Scholar; A. Berthier, Les Vestiges du Christianisme antique dans la Numidie centrale (1943). Compare G. Camps, Aux origines de la Berbérie: monuments et rites funéraires protohistoriques (1961), pp. 567 f.

17 For examples and recent partial treatments see e.g. Berthier, A., Charlier, R., Le Sanctuaire punique d'El Hofra à Constantine (1955)Google Scholar; Picard, C. G., Catalogue du Musée Alaoui, N.S. (collections puniques) I (1956)Google Scholar; Charles-Picard, G., ‘Civitas Mactaritana’, Karthago VIII (1957)Google Scholar; for a brief conspectus, G. Picard, Carthage (trans. M. &. L. Kochan, 1964), ch. VII. See now, however, Bisi, A. M., Le stele puniche (1967), esp. 113 f.Google Scholar

18 See the survey by Charles-Picard, G., Les Religions de l'Afrique antique (1954).Google Scholar

19 See Frend, W. H. C., The Donatist Church (1952), 76 f.Google Scholar; cf. Leglay, M., Saturne Africain: monuments I–II (1961–1966)Google Scholar.

20 See the most recent reports by Avigad, N., Israel Exploration Journal v (1955), 205Google Scholar; VII (1957), 73, 239; and M. Schwabe, B. Lifshitz, Beth She'arim II: The Greek Inscriptions (1967) (Hebrew with English Summary). Compare Lifshitz, B., ‘L'Hellénisation des Juifs de Palestine: à propos des inscriptions de Besara (Beth-Shearim)’, Revue Biblique LXXII (1965), 520Google Scholar.

21 Khaldoun, Ibn, Histoire des Berbères et des dynasties musulmanes de l'Afrique septentrionale, trans. Slane, de I (1925), 168Google Scholar.

22 Sall., Bell. Jug. 78.

23 Mela, , Chorographia I, 8, 41Google Scholar.

24 de civ. dei. 16, 6.

25 Basset, A., ‘La Langue berbère,’ in Handbook of African Languages I (1952), pp. 47–8Google Scholar.

26 The standard collection and discussion is Chabot, J.-B., Recueil des Inscriptions libyques (RIL) I (1940–1941)Google Scholar; see however the excellent earlier discussion by Gsell, S., Histoire Ancienne de l'Afrique du Nord I 3 (1921), 309 f.Google Scholar Compare also Février, J.-G., ‘Que savons-nous du libyque ?’, Revue Africaine C (1956), 263Google Scholar. A more confident linguistic assessment of Libyan is made by O. Rössler, ‘Die Sprache Numidiens’, Sybaris: Festschrift M. Krahe (1958), 94. See now Galand, L., ‘Les Études de linguistique berbère de 1954 à 1956’, Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord IV (1965)Google Scholar (pub. 1966), 743 ff., on pp. 746–9, 750–52.

27 See e.g. Basset, op. cit. (n. 25), 47.

28 See Camps, G., Aux origines de la Berbèrie: Massimssa ou les débuts de L'histoire (Libyca VIII (1960)Google Scholar), on p. 283 f.

29 J. G. Février, ‘La Constitution municipale de Dougga à l'époque numide’, Mélanges de Carthage (Cahiers de Byrsa X) (1964–5), 85.

30 W. M. Green, op. cit. (below, n. 39), p. 189.

31 See Galand, , Février, , Vajda, , Inscriptions antiques du Maroc (1966)Google Scholar; the Libyan inscriptions (nos. 1–27) are edited by L. Galand, whose introductory discussion (pp. 1–36) is also the most detailed and up-to-date treatment of the Libyan script.

32 Galand, op. cit. (n. 31), no. 1 (Plate I, 1) = RIL 882.

33 Reynolds, J. M., Brogan, O., Smith, D., ‘Inscriptions in the Libyan Alphabet from Ghirza in Tripolitania’, Antiquity XXXII (1958), 112CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

34 The book by Brogan, O. and Smith, D., Ghirza, forecast in Libya Antiqua I (1964), 66Google Scholar, n. 6.

35 By di Vita, A., ‘Archaeological News’, in Libya Antiqua I (1964), on pp. 141–2Google Scholar, with pl. LXXXI.

36 See e.g. Macho, A. Díez, ‘La lengua hablada por Jesucristo’, Oriens Antiquus II (1963), 95Google Scholar.

37 Only the barest essentials are given here; compare P. R. L. Brown, ‘Christianity and Local Culture in Late Roman Africa’, above, pp. 85 ff.

38 Frend, W. H. C., ‘A Note on the Berber Background in the life of Augustine’, Journ. Theol. Stud. XLIII (1942), 188Google Scholar, and The Donatist Church (1950), esp. 57–8; Courtois, C., ‘S. Augustin et le problème de la survivance de la Punique’, Revue Africaine XCIV (1950), 259Google Scholar; Les Vandales et l'Afrique (1955), 126 f.

39 Green, W. M., ‘Augustine's Use of Punic’, Univ. of Calif. Stud, in Semitic Philology XI (1951), 179Google Scholar (I owe this reference to Mr. T. D. Barnes). See Simon, M., ‘Punique ou Berbère? Note sur la situation linguistique dans l'Afrique romaine’, Recherches d'histoire Judeo-Chrétienne (1962), 88Google Scholar; Février, P.-A., ‘Toujours le Donatisme. A quand l'Afrique ?’, Riv. di stor. e lett. religiosa II, 2 (1966), 228Google Scholar.

40 The most important passages for the Semitic character of the ‘lingua Punica’ are: In Ps. 123, 8; 136, 18; In Rom. imperf. 13; C. Petil. 2, 239; Quaest. Hept. 7, 16; Loc. Hept. 1, 24; and for its wide distribution: Ep. 66, 2; 84, 2; 108, 14; 209, 2 f.; Serm. 167, 4. All quoted in Green, op. cit. (n. 39).

41 For these points see Barnes, T. D., ‘The Family and Career of Septimius Severus’, Historia XVI (1967), 87 ff.Google Scholar, on pp. 96 f.

42 So, rightly, MacMullen, R., ‘Provincial Languages in the Roman Empire’, AJPh LXXXVII (1966), 1 ff.Google Scholar

43 Courtois, op. cit. (n. 38), 267–8. Compare the (not very effective) criticism by Saumagne, Ch., ‘La Survivance du Punique en Afrique aux Ve et VIe siècles après J. C.’, Karthago IV (1953), 171 ff.Google Scholar, on p. 177.

44 Müller, L., Numismatique de l'ancienne Afrique II (1861)Google Scholar; J. Mrzard, Corpus Nummorum Numidiae Mauretaniaeque (1955), e.g. no. 623–4 (Tingi).

45 The Punic inscriptions of Carthage and its vicinity (only) are contained in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum I (published in fascicules 1881–1962), nos. 166–6068; none appear to be from the Roman period. Others appear sporadically in the Répertoire d'épigraphie sémitique I–VII (1895–1950)Google Scholar. Note, however, Février, J. G., ‘Les Découvertes puniques et néopuniques depuis la guerre’, Studi orientali in onore di G. Levi della Vida I (1956), 274Google Scholar; J. Desanges, S. Lancel, ‘Bibliographie analytique de l'Afrique antique’ (appearing and to be continued in the new Bulletin d'archéologie algérienne)—so far: ‘1960–62’, BAA I (1962–1965), 277 ff.Google Scholar; ‘II, 1963–64’, ibid. II (1966–67), 315 ff.; and Teixidor, J., ‘Bulletin d'épigraphie sémitique’, Syria XLIV (1967), 163CrossRefGoogle Scholar (also the first of a series).

46 G. Charles-Picard, La Civilisation de l'Afrique romaine (1959), esp. 104, 109, 295.

47 Charles-Picard, G., Civitas Mactaritana in Karthago VIII (1957)Google Scholar; see esp. pp. 25 f., 42 f., 58–60, 68, 76.

48 Text and translation, with photo, by Février, J.-G., ‘La grande inscription dédicatoire de Mactar’, Semitica VI (1956), 15Google Scholar.

49 Février, J.-G., Fantar, M., ‘Les nouvelles inscriptions monumentales néopuniques de Mactar’, Karthago XIII (1963–1964Google Scholar; pub. 1965), 43.

50 IRT, p. 80, and nos. 318 and 349a.

51 Vida, G. Levi della, ‘Le iscrizione neopuniche di Wadi El-Amud’, Libya Antiqua I (1964), 57Google Scholar; for the setting and date, O. Brogan, ‘The Roman remains in the Wadi el-Amud: an interim note’, ibid. 47 f.

52 Brogan, O., ‘Henscir el-Ausāf by Tigi (Tripolitania) and some related tombs in the Tunisian Gefara’, Libya Antiqua II (1965), 47Google Scholar, on p. 54 f., with pl. XVII–XVIII. The neo-punic text is given in the earlier publication by Berger, P., ‘Le Mausolée d'El-Amrouni’, Rev. Arch. XXVI (1895), 71Google Scholar.

53 Bartoccini, R., Africa Italiana I (1927), 233 f.Google Scholar Cf. IRT. 852.

54 Goodchild, R. G., ‘The Latino-Libyan Inscriptions of Tripolitania’, Antiquaries Journal XXX (1950), 135CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

55 Goodchild, R. G., ‘La necropoli romanolibica di Bir ed-Dréder’, Quad, di arch. della Libia III (1954), 91Google Scholar; for the inscriptions see pp. 100–104.

56 Reynolds, J. M., ‘Inscriptions of Roman Tripolitania: a Supplement’, PBSR XXIII (1955), 124 f.Google Scholar, nos. 20, 24.

57 Brogan, O., Reynolds, J. M., ‘Seven New Inscriptions from Tripolitania’, PBSR XXVIII (1960), 51 f.Google Scholar, nos. 5–7.

58 Vida, G. Levi della, ‘Sulle iscrizione “latino-libiche” della Tripolitania’, Oriens Antiquus II (1963), 65Google Scholar; idem, ‘Parerga Neopunica’, ibid. IV (1965), 59.

59 Brogan, O., Reynolds, J. M., ‘Inscriptions from the Tripolitanian Hinterland’, Libya Antiqua I (1964), 43 f.Google Scholar, nos. 3 (partially in Latin), 4, 5.

60 di Vita, A., ‘Il “limes” romano di Tripolitania nella sua concretezza archeologica e nella sua realtà storica’, Libya Antiqua I (1964), 65Google Scholar.

61 The fairly scanty references in ancient sources to books written in Punic in the Carthaginian period are collected by Gsell, S., Histoire ancienne de l'Afrique du Nord IV (1920), 212 f.Google Scholar

62 In Psalm 118, 32, 8 (PL XXXVIII, 159 f.); see Green, op. cit. (n. 40), 185.

63 One may note the bilingual Latin (IRT 338) and neo-Punic text from Lepcis Magna dating to A.D. 53, where the Punic translates, with some difficulty, the expression ‘testamento adoptatus’. See della Vida, G. Levi, Rend. Acc. Naz. Lincei 1949, 400 f.Google Scholar, and cf. Février, J.-G., ‘Textes puniques et néopuniques rélatifs aux testaments’, Semitica XI (1961), 5Google Scholar.

64 Especially emphasized recently by L. Teutsch, Das römische Städtewesen in Nordafrika (1962).

65 See Charles-Picard, op. cit. (n. 47), 77 f.

66 The spread of Latin may be conveniently illustrated by the recent publication of fifty grave stelai, many of distinctly Punic style, from Sétif (Sitifis in Mauretania) dating to the second and third centuries; all have inscriptions in Latin. See Février, P.-A. and Gaspary, A., ‘Le Nécropole orientale de Sétif. Rapport sur les fouilles effectuées de 1959 à 1964’, Bulletin d'archéologie algérienne II (1967), 11Google Scholar.

67 See Israel Exploration Journal XII (1962), 235 ff. and 258 ff.Google Scholar