Countering “Arctification”: Dawson City’s “Sourtoe Cocktail”

2.1 Phase 1: naming

The first stage of MacCannell’s sight sacralization framework designates the differentiation of the sight from other potentially worthy-to-visit attractions (Löytynoja, 2008). According to MacCannell (1976, p. 44), a “great deal of work [for] the authentication of the candidate for sacralization” is required, including the recognition of values that turn the object into a sight worthy of attention and preservation (Fine and Speer, 1985). These values include aesthetics and historical and recreational significance (MacCannell, 1976).

The story of the toe dates back to the 1920s when two brothers, Louie and Otto Linken, were running whiskey to Alaska during the US Prohibition era. During a blizzard, Louie stepped through a patch of ice and soaked his foot. By the time they arrived at their cabin, Louie’s foot was frozen. In order to prevent gangrene, the second brother, Otto, cut off his brother’s toe and put it in a jar of alcohol which was stored in their remote cabin. The jar was forgotten about until 1971, when Captain Dick Stevenson found it exactly as the two brothers left it decades ago. Upon returning to Dawson City, Stevenson had the idea of serving alcohol with the toe dropped into it, and created the Sourtoe Cocktail in 1973. The strangeness of this idea set Stevenson apart and he quickly became a famous member of the Yukon’s well-known colorful 5 percent; a bunch of exceptional and quirky characters who have significant influence on the Yukon’s heritage and culture.

The Sourtoe attraction, therefore, partly finds its origins in the rough Arctic conditions and imaginaries. Indeed, the Arctic is often portrayed as a region with a harsh climate, frozen landscapes and extremely cold temperatures (Hall and Johnston, 1995; Hall and Saarinen, 2010; Saarinen and Varnajot, 2019) which requires bravery and courage (Varnajot, 2019) to enter. These representations are often created by outsiders for outsiders (Viken, 2013) and are the results of imaginaries conveyed by the epic tales of adventurers, popular myths, movies and TV shows (Fjellestad, 2016; Sæþórsdóttir et al., 2011).

In addition, the story of the Sourtoe Cocktail takes place in Dawson City, a city founded in 1896 in the midst of the Klondike Gold Rush. The city rapidly became the capital of the Yukon, and the largest Canadian city west of Winnipeg, and grew to be home to 25,000 inhabitants in 1898 at the height of the stampede (Coates and Morrison, 2005; Guest, 2012). The Klondike Gold Rush is intrinsic to the identity of Dawson City and is filled with representations of crowds of gold seekers rushing from San Francisco, Seattle or Vancouver and enduring cold and harsh conditions in mountainous environments (de la Barre, 2013; Morse, 2003). Although located about 750 km south of Dawson City, the dramatic photos of men and women climbing the Chilkoot Pass, depicting “an endless line of determined gold seekers, burdened with packs, heads cast downward, marching lockstep in single file up a precipitous snow-covered slope to the summit” of the Pass (Morse, 2003, p. 3) resonate in collective imaginaries. This episode of the Klondike Gold Rush is specific to the history of Northwestern Canada, but it is one of the many examples of expeditions, adventures or rushes that took place in the North. Even though the Sourtoe Cocktail’s story dates back to the 1920s, the attraction lies in this Gold Rush folklore, pertaining to extreme Arctic conditions.

The Sourtoe Cocktail is the result of mixing past imaginaries of the Klondike Gold Rush with representations of the Arctic, resulting in intertwined origins. The connection between the toe and the Arctic can be understood as a dual relationship. On the one hand, the story of the brother suffering frostbite from cold conditions feeds these representations of a harsh Arctic. On the other hand, these rough conditions of the North feed back into the legend behind the Sourtoe Cocktail as an attraction. Both elements support each other in their existence, resulting in a myth wherein the Cocktail can find its origins. This intricate interplay of historical values, which underlines the Sourtoe Cocktail activity, works to differentiate it as worthy of attention or indulgence, as per the first phase of MacCannell’s framework.

2.2 Phase 2: framing and elevation

According to MacCannell (1976), the framing and elevation phase consists first of the placement of an official boundary around an object (framing) and second of its placement on display, or its opening up for visitation (elevation). MacCannell argues that framing can be manifested in two ways: through the protection of the object, by placing glass around it, for example, or through the enhancement of the object, by placing it under a spotlight, for example.

In the case of the Sourtoe Cocktail, and in particular of the toe itself as the sacralized sight, the first evidence of the framing of the object was not its placement behind glass but within glass – a jar of alcohol. Interestingly, the primary aim of this action was for the biological preservation of the toe itself. Nowadays, the toe is placed inside a shot glass for the inevitable elevation of being the toe that the tourist must touch during their completion of the Sourtoe Cocktail experience.

Here, the framing stage does not create a boundary between the object and the tourist, but in fact dissolves the boundary since the tourist is invited to make direct physical contact with the toe itself. The act of not only touching the detached toe, but making contact with it with one’s mouth, crosses not just a sanitary boundary, but also throws into question MacCannell’s “sacralization boundary.” This raises the question of whether or not the object can retain its sacred quality when the physical boundary between it and the tourist participant is removed.

Conversely, one could argue that the sacred quality of the toe is fully realised by the breaking of this boundary. In other words, that which makes it sacred (or valuable, or worthy) is that participants can touch it. This argument could be developed to suggest that what is sacred is, therefore, not the toe itself but the experience of physically interacting with the toe.

2.3 Phase 3: enshrinement

This third stage of the sight sacralization process occurs when the container of the attraction becomes itself an attraction on its own (Jacobsen, 1997; MacCannell, 1976). According to Fine and Speer (1985, p. 82), “the notion of shrine further suggests a necessity for pilgrimages and rituals to be performed upon arriving.” In line with this, taking the Sourtoe Cocktail when in Dawson City, especially if it is the first time, could be seen as an inescapable ritual.

The Sourtoe Cocktail is served in Dawson City’s historic Sourdough Saloon, which has been located in the Downtown Hotel since the 1970s (Plate 1). Both the Downtown Hotel and the city of Dawson can thus be understood as containers for the attraction. The hotel has gained notoriety for being the place where the infamous cocktail is served. The building itself has retained its “authentic” wild west style, and has become an unmissable sight in the city. Located at the corner of Second Avenue and Queen Street, in the heart of Dawson, it is now a prerequisite for tourists visiting the city even if one is not drinking the cocktail. The Downtown Hotel could even be considered to be the epicenter of a city crystallized in the past. Indeed, the hotel as well as the Cocktail are incorporated in an atmosphere that recalls the far west conquest. The architecture and physical aspects of the city center’s buildings (Plate 2), the streets and urban furniture provide the general ambiance of a city preserved from modernization, untouched by globalization. Western-like wooden facades and sidewalks and dusty unpaved streets, as well as the buildings’ interiors, such as that of the Downtown Hotel or of Diamond Tooth Gertie’s French cancan and casino, contribute to this feeling of living in the gold rush past and its environment (Plate 2). In addition, Dawson City’s atmosphere is shaped by daily local activities and practices. For example, gold mining still exists in the Klondike region, and according to the Yukon Geological Survey, about 72,000 ounces of crude gold were declared in 2017 for a value of CAD$94m (Bond and van Loon, 2018). This leads to an incongruous practice where one can still pay for goods and bet at the casino with gold nuggets instead of regular Canadian dollars. This practice adds to the uniqueness of the context in which the Sourtoe Cocktail is served. In other words, the Cocktail as an attraction is contained within the Downtown Hotel, which is itself contained within the ambiance of Dawson City.

2.4 Phase 4: mechanical reproduction

This fourth stage refers to “the creation of prints, photographs, models or effigies of the object which are themselves valued and displayed” (MacCannell, 1976, p. 45). In the case of the Sourtoe Cocktail, three types of mechanical reproductions can be observed.

First, the original toe was replaced several times since 1973 for different reasons. The repetitive use of the original toe for the cocktail led to its deterioration over the years and several toes have been stolen, swallowed or simply lost. The bar owners had to find new toes to continue the attraction and over the years, people have donated their toes to the Downtown Hotel for future use. As a result, the original toe has been replaced or reproduced numerous times, and a range of toes are stored at the bar at any one time – working in rotation to act as “the toe.” This process of reproduction is rather long as the toe is preserved and dehydrated in salt before being used for the cocktail, which takes around six months. This suggests that the sacralized object of this attraction is no longer a specific physical toe, but an immaterial object, or even a symbol.

Second, the Sourtoe Cocktail also exists through souvenirs. Books narrating the discovery of the toe by Captain Dick Stevenson, the man behind the cocktail, can be found in souvenir shops around the region. In addition, as proof as well as a concrete memory, a certificate and a membership card are offered to the visitor who was brave enough to take the shot. In this example, the toe is not literally reproduced, but it is the act of touching a mummified toe with your lips that is immortalized and thereby sacralized. The certificate (Plate 3) celebrates the experience rather than the toe as an object. Therefore, it can be argued that there is a shift in the sight sacralization process from the toe as a sacralized object to the toe as a sacralized experience.

Third, the experience of the Sourtoe Cocktail is preserved through a variety of digital content consisting of videos, photographs, blog posts and articles. This also evidences the close connection between tourist experiences and technology such as photography or social media (Balomenou and Garrod, 2019; Gretzel, 2017; Kim and Fesenmaier, 2017; Lo and McKercher, 2015; Urry and Larsen, 2011). Indeed, inside the bar, participants often record themselves or ask other visitors to film them while drinking the shot (Plate 4). This demonstrates how mechanical reproduction adapts to new technologies as these reproductions are not only physical (in the form of souvenirs), but also – and increasingly so – digital.

These three distinct types of mechanical reproduction suggest that the activity is well developed in terms of MacCannell’s fourth phase. In addition, its reproductions are not only highly valued but also work to motivate others to take part in the activity.

2.5 Phase 5: social reproduction

MacCannell defines phase 5 as when groups, cities or regions begin to name themselves after the attraction (MacCannell, 1976). In other words, when the attraction begins to be reproduced not just in the form of concrete souvenirs or merchandise, but in the form of inspiring social processes or groups in other destinations.

There are no examples of places, areas or institutions named after the Sourtoe Cocktail, which would ensure the perpetuation of the sight as a valued attraction (Fine and Speer, 1985), but there have been cases that reproduce similar experiences. Another example of a cocktail, which publicly admits to having been inspired by the Sourtoe Cocktail, is the Dog Ball Highball. This was part of an event in February 2019 which raised funds for the Humane Society Dawson animal shelter (Discover Dawson, 2019). Similarly, to the Sourtoe Cocktail, in the Dog Ball Highball a real dog’s testicle replaces the human toe in a shot of alcohol and the participant must drink the shot, letting the testicle touch their lips in order to join the “club.” This reproduction of the Sourtoe Cocktail reflects the desire to be identified with the authentic (original) cocktail that has become a symbol of Dawson City (Fine and Speer, 1985).

It is worth noting that similar practices involving alcoholic rituals take place in other locations across the Circumpolar North. In Newfoundland and Labrador, Canada, it is customary to welcome newcomers by performing a ceremony known as Kissing the Cod, in which tourists must kiss a codfish before taking a shot of local rum (Byrne, 1997). Similarly, to the Sourtoe Cocktail, the cod kissing is accompanied by speeches and certificates are presented, recognizing the participant as an authentic Newfoundlander. In Iceland, visitors are encouraged to eat hákarl, a fermented piece of shark, chased down with a shot of local schnapps, Brennivín, also known as “black death.” Although this particular practice belongs to Icelandic culinary traditions, restaurants of Reykjavik purposefully aim it at the tourist crowd (Bachórz, 2016).

In spite of these examples, the fifth phase of the sacralization of the Sourtoe Cocktail is not as developed as the mechanical reproduction phase. Although the social reproduction is still in its infancy, future possible steps for the attraction could emerge in the form of local restaurants or boutiques being renamed after the cocktail.

3.1 Sight sacralization and the Sourtoe Cocktail attraction

Historically, the theory of sight sacralization has been applied to inherently symbolic, precious or remarkable sights; MacCannell (1976) used the examples of the “true Crown of Thorns” or the “Gutenberg Bible.” Jacobsen (1997) applied the framework to North Cape, Norway, symbolizing the northernmost point of continental Europe. Löytynoja (2008) also investigated the development of North Cape as a tourist attraction, along the Arctic Circle in Rovaniemi, the central point of Finland and the easternmost point of (continental) EU. In their article, Fine and Speer (1985) analyzed tour guides of the Lindheimer House, Texas, a historic landmark since 1936.

The originality of the Sourtoe Cocktail case stems from the intriguing fact that the sight is not an object of obvious worth or value, a rarity, or the result of notable talent, skill or creativity. On the contrary, it is one of the most common and everyday objects known to us – a part of the body of which almost everyone possesses ten. Taken out of context (i.e. detached from the body), the toe arguably gains even more pointlessness and bizarreness as almost nobody knows whose toe it was and only few participants are aware of the story behind and whose toe it is supposed to symbolize. In addition, the appeal of the toe lies in the ordinary nature of the sight, rather than being an exceptional attraction, turning this product into an absurd activity.

Tourists are far from being simply passive consumers in this case. Rather, they can be seen as essential actors (Edensor, 2000) alongside the toe, contributing to the success of the Sourtoe Cocktail as an attraction. They become performers and express feelings of disgust or fascination while curious visitors watch and take photographs and videos (Plate 4). They perform the practice and thereby confirm the sight’s sacredness for prospective participants and onlookers. Indeed, the climax of the attraction occurs at the point of contact between the participants’ lips and the toe. The toe taken separately would probably not be as emblematic as it is when it is combined with tourist engagement. In this attraction, the Toe Captain is only a mediator – a convener who emphasizes the mise-en-scène of the spectacle.

Another point emerging from this study, and revealed by the sight sacralization framework, is that the actual sacralized object is not a single toe, but several, as demonstrated by our analysis of the elevation and mechanical reproduction phases. Today, what is referred to as “the toe” could be any one of a range of toes that have reached the saloon in a variety of often uninteresting ways. In other words, the sacralization shifts from the toe as an object to the toe as a symbol. The draw is the sheer strangeness and perhaps the taboo of drinking a shot with a dehydrated mummified toe in it. The experience of interacting with the sacralized object is then more exciting and attractive than the object itself.

The application of MacCannell’s framework to the Sourtoe Cocktail reveals a shift from the sacralization of a sight (a physical object) to the sacralization of an experience, wherein the toe becomes a symbol. As demonstrated, the actual attraction is the experience of drinking the Sourtoe Cocktail, rather than the toe as a simple object. Therefore, immaterial attractions such as particular experiences and performances (Fine and Speer, 1985) become relevant to deconstruct under MacCannell’s framework.

Since the experience becomes identified to some extent with the destination, we can argue that the experience of the Sourtoe Cocktail, on a destination branding level, differentiates Dawson City. It is possible that tourists choose destinations not because of the physical characteristics of the destination but because of a particular experience that the destination offers. In many cases, the particular experience relies on physical characteristics of the destination. Although many tourists may travel to the Grand Canyon for a helicopter flightseeing tour, for example, this experience is impossible to carry out without being at the Grand Canyon. The case of the Sourtoe Cocktail, as we have argued, no longer relies heavily on its geographical Arctic context – it could be done anywhere – and this is perhaps why it is necessary that it is so bizarre and totally unique. We could argue, therefore, that experience sacralization requires the experience to be particularly unusual and unlikely to be replicated elsewhere. Although it is an interesting strategy of Dawson City to market this bizarre activity, it must be acknowledged that this one interesting experience does not brand, characterize or revitalize the entire destination.

3.2 Arctification and the Sourtoe Cocktail

In tourism studies, there is no sound geographical definition of where the Arctic begins; some researchers have used the Arctic Human Development Report definition (Maher et al., 2014), the tree line (Stonehouse and Snyder, 2010) or the Arctic Circle (Viken, 2013). In their book on Arctic experiences, Lee et al. (2017, p. 2) simply included as their definition all “areas and regions as per the consideration of relevant phytogeographic, climatic, geomorphological, latitudinal and geopolitical criteria.” Therefore, depending on the borders used to delimit the Arctic, Dawson City can be included within the Arctic, or, at the very least, can be considered as part of the periphery of the Arctic that could plausibly be incorporated into the image of the Arctic through Arctification.

In their report, Rantala et al. (2019) emphasize the negative impacts of Arctification, arguing that, because of the reliance on winter imagery (ice, snow and darkness, for example), tourism activities become highly landscape based and reliant on seasonal characteristics. This leaves tourism operators dependent on climatic elements that they cannot control, and locks activities into particular seasons. This restricts their potential to exist year-round, which is argued to be beneficial for the local economy. Neglecting distinct seasons in Arctic locations has arguably led to a “Disneyfication” of Arctic tourism, whereby the culture, nature and geography of the northern region is repackaged in a soft and commercial nature. In this way, Arctic tourism products arguably become shiny, “soft” adventure tourism products which are accessible to a wider segment of tourists but which do not reflect the true conditions of the Arctic and are not perceived to represent the “authentic,” the “real reality” of the Arctic, to use MacCannell’s words (1973, p. 591).

Having identified that Arctification is a trend in tourism in the North, the report on seasonality suggests some recommendations for operators, policymakers and others involved in the tourism industry. In relation to Arctification, the authors suggest that practitioners should “develop high-season tourism based on the local community perspective and with diverse images representing a variety of Arctic meanings and experiences” (Rantala et al., 2019, p. 63). Such strategy aims at “[avoiding] stereotypical production and marketing of winter tourism that reinforces the Arctification process and the image of the Arctic as cold, snowy and empty of people” (p. 63).

As revealed by the deconstruction of the Sourtoe Cocktail case according to MacCannell’s sight sacralization, the connection between the Sourtoe Cocktail and the Arctic is evident only at the first stage and from a historical perspective. Indeed, the origin of our case study lies in the rough conditions of the Arctic, in a blizzard that in the 1920s led Louie Linken to suffer from frostbite and lose his toe. The attraction gained notoriety because of this incongruous story that today is almost narrated as a legend. The harsh Arctic became the first driver of the Sourtoe Cocktail by bringing some absurdity on the one hand, as well as some credibility on the other hand. Indeed, the story had to be believed in order to generate curiosity among locals and visitors, and the Arctic, with its long history of epic adventures and tragedies, brings some reliability to this context. Nevertheless, the connection to the Arctic seems to stop here, at the origins of the story that led to the creation of the Sourtoe attraction. Indeed, as demonstrated, the enshrinement phase led to a greater connection with the Klondike gold mining folklore.

Due to its detachment from stereotypical Arctic characteristics, its focus on the very local context, and the ability of the activity to be conducted all year around, the Sourtoe Cocktail can be seen as an example that fulfills the recommendation quoted above. The Sourtoe Cocktail, through its unique quality, is certainly diverse and brings a greater variety of meanings to Arctic or potentially Arctic experiences. In this way, it combats the arguably negative trend of Arctification and contributes to a sustainable future for tourism in Dawson City, by tackling the restrictive nature of seasonality and incorporating local communities in the development of the product rather than global, homogenous perspectives of the Arctic.

The Sourtoe Cocktail is not a shiny, “Disneyfied” product. On the contrary, it is born out of a story of rough Arctic conditions, and the activity itself is raw and shocking to many. Although the story of the loss of the original toe takes place in a snowy, inhospitable and empty Arctic, the constant supply of human toes required to sustain the offering of the Sourtoe Cocktail as a tourism product reminds us that the Arctic region is very much inhabited, and that people are very much an integral part of it. In countering Arctification, Rantala et al. (2019) call for innovativeness, creativity and diversity in products, and this is something that the Sourtoe Cocktail activity offers in spades.