Abstract
Mid-way through the mandate of the von der Leyen Commission, this Chapter explores the definition of and delivery on a “geopolitical Commission” narrative. The term was coined by the President-elect when presenting her would-be College to the European Parliament for its consent vote. The Chapter starts by arguing that such narrative was functional to a “legitimacy by power” approach, linking the Commission’s authority, in the absence of a Spitzenkandidat procedure, to its effective delivery of global leverage. On this basis, we challenge the idea that the Commission has so far failed to deliver on its “geopolitical” ambition. In fact, by assessing it in terms of “open strategic autonomy”, emerged as a cross-cutting strategic response to a set of interlinked megatrends whereby “geopolitics starts at home”, the evidence points to: (i) a positive track record of delivery—starting the Commission’s front-runner role in the global vaccine race and recovery strategy; and (ii) a noticeable inflection point towards increased awareness of the need for more assertiveness and coherence between domestic and external policy agendas. We conclude that the Commission’s geopolitical leadership should increasingly become a strategic foresight leadership, leveraging its unique role as system integrator and coalition builder to collectively reach long-term goals, while challenging the status quo and telling inconvenient truths when needed.
The views expressed in this document are solely those of the authors and do not represent the official views of the European Commission. Like all other chapters, the present one was finalised well before the start of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine. These events have substantially altered the world we live in, especially from a geopolitical viewpoint. Still, we are convinced that—even if not specifically mentioned in the below chapter—the EU’s response to this conflict confirms and epitomises the main conclusions of the chapter. In particular, the Russian war against Ukraine can be argued to have played the role of “point of inflexion”, in so far as it drastically accelerates the described path towards a truly “geopolitical Commission”. As a matter of fact, while it can be argued that such process is—as much as the war itself—not yet concluded, numerous signals point to the below-mentioned structural discontinuity in the way the Commission considers the geopolitical tools at its disposal and their best use. De facto, the predicted “course towards greater geopolitical assertiveness [and] virtuous circle of positive spillovers in hard security areas” seems to now be largely taking place as a collective response to the ongoing war. Examples range from short-term measures—the unprecedented scale and speed of the comprehensive packages of sanctions adopted against Moscow, the intense diplomatic outreach and coordination (e.g. G7/NATO), financing and coordinating the sending of weapons to Ukraine—to more medium-to-long term objectives such as the EU’s energy security, deeply intertwined with achieving the twin transitions, the reconstruction of Ukraine, and the new enlargement policy vis-à-vis Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia. All these aspects will be analysed in a forthcoming article by the authors (2023).
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Notes
- 1.
In international relations literature, classic realism (H. Morgenthau, 1949) provides the foundations of a state-centric international system, where (internal and external) Westphalian sovereignty is justified by self-reliance in facing the “security dilemma”. Important critiques include K. N. Waltz’s Theory of International Politics (1979), which, as the foundation of neorealism, emphasizes the importance of the structure of the international system and of the position of the nation-state in it; and J. A. Vasquez’s The Power of Power Politics (1983) which stresses the role of domestic factors in foreign policymaking, often ignored by classic realism.
- 2.
For a recent account of the EU’s complex relation with “power politics”, see, for instance “How the EU Can Survive in a Geopolitical Age?” (Carnegie Europe, 2020).
- 3.
- 4.
On the importance of “output legitimacy”, see for instance Vivien Schmidt (2020).
- 5.
See https://www.facebook.com/EuropeanCommission/videos/press-read-out-of-the-first-college-meeting-by-president-von-der-leyen/1420353024964834/?__so__=permalink&__rv__=related_videos and “Political Guidelines for the next Commission”; “Main principles of the working methods”; “Mission Statements” letters.
- 6.
De facto, this means better alignment between the external agenda and the overall Commission agenda, ensured through compulsory passages of related acts through the Group of Interinstitutional Relations (GRI).
- 7.
Publicly available at https://ec.europa.eu/info/about-european-commission/organisational-structure/how-commission-organised/political-leadership/decision-making-during-weekly-meetings_en (see Agenda of Commission meetings-item 5. Coordination of external action).
- 8.
To name a few, in no particular order: (i) a comprehensive Strategy with Africa and renewed partnership with ACP countries; (ii) the EU’s contribution to rules-based multilateralism; (iii) an assertive “Trade Policy Review”; (iv) a new strategy for Europe to play a leading role in global economic and financial governance; (v) first use of EU’s new global human rights sanction regime; (vi) the launch of a new transatlantic strategy; (vii) sequential completion of negotiations on the Withdrawal Agreement and Future Partnership with the UK; (viii) a comprehensive investment agreement with China, while (ix) putting forward a regulation to control distortive subsidies granted by foreign governments to companies active in the EU; (x) green alliance with Japan; (xi) strategic partnership on raw materials and high-level health dialogue with Canada; (xii) opening of accession negotiations with Albania and North Macedonia; (xiii) an economic and investment plan for the Western Balkans backed by EUR 9 billion of funding for investment; (xiv) a new agenda for the Mediterranean to strengthen the strategic partnership between the EU and its Southern Neighbourhood; (xv) funding for EU defence cooperation in the new MFF, via the European Defence Fund and European Peace Facility.
- 9.
Defence will merit specific attention in our analysis, as it was relaunched as a priority under the previous Commission, after the Brexit Referendum.
- 10.
See 2021 Strategic Foresight Report—the EU’s capacity and freedom to act.
- 11.
“Hard security” pivots around defence policy and refers to the response to security threats that are primarily external, inter-state ones. [See A. Fatić (2002)]
- 12.
At the time, the Commission concluded that the shift of power to the East and South was a strong global megatrend, which, although temporarily decelerating at the height of COVID-19 crisis, would likely continue.
- 13.
As Thomas Friedman put it: “Geopolitics is all about leverage. We cannot make ourselves safer abroad unless we change our behavior at home”.
- 14.
This selection is based on a 9-month foresight exercise with all Commission services, Member States, external experts and other Institutions, including in the context of ESPAS (EU institutions’ foresight network).
- 15.
See also J. D. Sachs (2021), The G20 and the Means to Climate Safety.
- 16.
Brazil China, India, Indonesia, Mexico, Russia, and Turkey.
- 17.
Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the USA.
- 18.
See COM(2021) 662, “The EU economy after COVID-19: implications for economic governance”, whereby the European Semester “will need to be adapted to new challenges arising from the green and digital transitions and to the need for stronger resilience”.
- 19.
- 20.
80 countries are estimated to have grown democratically weaker because of the pandemic. See Freedom House (2020)
- 21.
For instance, storing, extracting and processing data while satisfying security requirements and fundamental rights; and developing an artificial intelligence that is both trustworthy to people and a strategic means for countering and anticipating hybrid threats.
- 22.
https://www.defensenews.com/global/europe/2021/10/10/how-will-europes-planned-semiconductor-strategy-affect-its-nations-military-ambitions/. However, a crucial issue here in the medium term might be the extent of the budgetary constraint weighing on this initiative, at least in relative terms vis-à-vis systemic rivals.
- 23.
See for instance the College public minutes PV(2020) 2348 final, where the President proposed to find a new expression instead of OSA; and PV(2021) 2376 final, where the President Flagged the importance of sending out a clear signal regarding the EU’s desire to strengthen its strategic autonomy while remaining open to trade and international cooperation. This led to “regarding the concept of ‘open strategic autonomy’ as the EU’s calling card”, while respecting the “shared desire to avoid a rigid and overly simplistic debate defined in terms of strategic autonomy versus openness”.
- 24.
For instance: COM(2021) 32 final, European economic and financial system: fostering openness, strength and resilience; JOIN(2021) 3 final, Strengthening the EU’s contribution to rules-based multilateralism; COM(2021) 66 final, Trade Policy Review—An Open, Sustainable and Assertive Trade Policy; COM(2021) 70 final, Action Plan on synergies between civil, defence and space industries; COM(2021) 118 final, 2030 Digital Compass: the European way for the Digital Decade; COM(2021) 350 final, Updating the 2020 new industrial strategy: Building a stronger Single Market for Europe’s Recovery.
- 25.
For instance, the recent draft Decision COM(2021) 574 final establishing the 2030 Policy Programme “Path to the Digital Decade” is presented as a response to strategic action 3 of the 2021 Strategic Foresight Report; the same goes for the recent review COM(2021) 580 final of Solvency II rules for insurers/reinsurers, which explicitly refers to strategic action 6.
- 26.
“Establishing or re-establishing the production of some critical medicines and medical countermeasures in the EU might be supported by innovation in manufacturing processes to compensate for possibly higher production costs in the EU and to strengthen leadership in green and digital pharmaceutical manufacturing”.
- 27.
Letter by French Finance Minister B. Le Maire to the Eurogroup, September 2021.
- 28.
Under a host of factors, ranging from population growth to the technologies needed for the green transition.
- 29.
Deliberately sourcing critical materials, goods or services with allies or partners who share the same values.
- 30.
A similar idea is currently being discussed in other Member States.
- 31.
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Lorenzani, D., Szapiro, M. (2023). A “Geopolitical Commission”: Reaching a Point of Inflexion?. In: Costa, O., Van Hecke, S. (eds) The EU Political System After the 2019 European Elections. Palgrave Studies in European Union Politics. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-12338-2_10
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